托福tpo21閱讀第三篇
2024-04-20 09:36:17 來(lái)源：中國(guó)教育在線
現(xiàn)在留學(xué)的學(xué)生越來(lái)越多，留學(xué)可以開(kāi)闊眼界，也能學(xué)習(xí)不一樣的教育體制，而且國(guó)外名校眾多，教育水平也一流。下面小編就來(lái)和大家說(shuō)說(shuō)“托福tpo21閱讀第三篇”這個(gè)問(wèn)題
托福 tpo21閱讀第3篇
托福tpo21閱讀第3篇Autobiographical Memory題目解析
Autobiographical Memory
自傳式回憶
Think back to your childhood and try to identify your earliest memory. How old were you? Most people are not able to recount memories for experiences prior to the age of three years, a phenomenon called infantile amnesia. The question of why infantile amnesia occurs has intrigued psychologists for decades, especially in light of ample evidence that infants and young children can display impressive memory capabilities. Many find that understanding the general nature of autobiographical memory, that is, memory for events that have occurred in one's own life, can provide some important clues to this mystery. Between ages three and four, children begin to give fairly lengthy and cohesive descriptions of events in their past. What factors are responsible for this developmental turning point?
Perhaps the explanation goes back to some ideas raised by influential Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget—namely, that children under age two years represent events in a qualitatively different form than older children do. According to this line of thought, the verbal abilities that blossom in the two year old allow events to be coded in a form radically different from the action-based codes of the infant. Verbal abilities of one year olds are, in fact, related to their memories for events one year later. When researchers had one year olds imitate an action sequence one year after they first saw it, there was correlation between the children's verbal skills at the time they first saw the event and their success on the later memory task. However, even children with low verbal skills showed evidence of remembering the event; thus, memories may be facilitated by but are not dependent on those verbal skills.
Another suggestion is that before children can talk about past events in their lives, they need to have a reasonable understanding of the self as a psychological entity. The development of an understanding of the self becomes evident between the first and second years of life and shows rapid elaboration in subsequent years. The realization that the physical self has continuity in time, according to this hypothesis, lays the foundation for the emergence of autobiographical memory.
A third possibility is that children will not be able to tell their own "life story" until they understand something about the general form stories take, that is, the structure of narratives. Knowledge about narratives arises from social interactions, particularly the storytelling that children experience from parents and the attempts parents make to talk with children about past events in their lives. When parents talk with children about "what we did today" or "last week" or "last year," they guide the children's formation of a framework for talking about the past. They also provide children with reminders about the memory and relay the message that memories are valued as part of the cultural experience. It is interesting to note that some studies show Caucasian American children have earlier childhood memories than Korean children do. Furthermore, other studies show that Caucasian American mother-child pairs talk about past events three times more often than do Korean mother-child pairs. Thus, the types of social experiences children have do factor into the development of autobiographical memories.
A final suggestion is that children must begin to develop a "theory of mind"—an awareness of the concept of mental states (feelings, desires, beliefs, and thoughts), their own and those of others—before they can talk about their own past memories. Once children become capable of answering such questions as "What does it mean to remember?" and "What does it mean to know something?" improvements in memory seem to occur.
It may be that the developments just described are intertwined with and influence one another. Talking with parents about the past may enhance the development of the self-concept, for example, as well as help the child understand what it means to "remember." No doubt the ability to talk about one's past represents memory of a different level of complexity than simple recognition or recall.
托福閱讀文章中的隱藏考點(diǎn)
由于托福閱讀考試中的時(shí)間比較緊張，導(dǎo)致同學(xué)們?cè)诳荚嚨臅r(shí)候很容易忽視一些細(xì)節(jié)，例如一些隱含的知識(shí)點(diǎn)。今天為大家整理了托福閱讀考試中，常見(jiàn)的隱藏考點(diǎn)，希望輔助大家能夠更好地備考這些內(nèi)容。
一、列舉和并列句
列舉指的是： First, Second, Third,等逐條列出。
并列句是指： A ， B and C ，即逐項(xiàng)列出。
它們共同的特征是列出二點(diǎn)或三點(diǎn)以上的條目。
該類型語(yǔ)言點(diǎn)?？嫉念}型是“細(xì)節(jié)性問(wèn)題”，主要有兩種：
1. Which 題型
該題型只要求從并列的三頂中選一項(xiàng)作為答案，其它條目與題目無(wú)關(guān)。在這種情況下，往往題目的答案出自最后一個(gè)選項(xiàng) 。
2 . EXCEPT 題型
該題型俗稱“三缺一”題型，即題目 4 個(gè)選項(xiàng)中有三個(gè)符合文章內(nèi)容，剩下一個(gè)不符合，題目便是要求選出這個(gè)不符合文章內(nèi)容的選項(xiàng)。例如： All of the following are mentioned as types of evidence concerning handedness EXCEPT ?
這種題型只適合于考并列、列舉句，這是因?yàn)樗笃淙齻€(gè)選項(xiàng)一定是文章中出現(xiàn)的，也就是并列或列舉之處。利用這一特點(diǎn).我們?cè)谧x文章的時(shí)候就可多留意，如看到并列、列舉句，可預(yù)想其有可能被考到;如發(fā)現(xiàn)題目中有“三缺一”題型，則應(yīng)到并列、列舉處找答案。
二、否定及轉(zhuǎn)折句
否定句是指帶有 NO 或 NOT ， NEVER 等否定詞的句子，而轉(zhuǎn)折句則指帶有 HOWEVER ， BUT 或 RATHER 等關(guān)聯(lián)詞引導(dǎo)的句子，它們可以用下面的句型說(shuō)明： A is not B ， as C ， but is D 。對(duì)于以上的句型常出“推斷性問(wèn)題”。
三、舉例句
句中由 as 或 such as ， for example 等引導(dǎo)的短語(yǔ)或句子為舉例句，?？肌巴茢嘈詥?wèn)題”和“細(xì)節(jié)性問(wèn)題”。上面句型中的 as C 為插入的舉例句。
四、數(shù)字與年代
文中的數(shù)字、年代、日期等常常是出題者經(jīng)常會(huì)做文章的考題點(diǎn)。
五、最高級(jí)及絕對(duì)性詞匯
文章中若出現(xiàn) must ， all ， only ， anyone ， always ， never 等絕對(duì)性詞匯或 first ， most beautiful 等最高級(jí)詞匯，往往是考題要點(diǎn)，一般出“細(xì)節(jié)性題目”。
這是因?yàn)樗鼈兌加幸粋€(gè)共同的特點(diǎn)，那就是 概念絕對(duì) ， 答案唯一 ，無(wú)論是出題還是做題，不會(huì)產(chǎn)出歧義和疑問(wèn)，因此很容易出題，答案絕對(duì)正確。
相反地，如果文章中出現(xiàn)相對(duì)性的詞匯、例如 Some of the people chose red hats,some chose green hats,and others blue ones. 其中 some 為相對(duì)性詞匯，如果我們出這樣一道題： What color hats did some people choose? 那么就沒(méi)有唯一正確的答案，因?yàn)橛锌赡転?red,green 或 blue ，給評(píng)卷帶來(lái)困難。
六、比較級(jí)及比喻
如果文中含有 more than 或 as ， like ( a fly )等句型，則為比較級(jí)或比喻句結(jié)構(gòu)，往往也是考題點(diǎn)，一般出“推斷性題目”。
七、同位語(yǔ)及插入語(yǔ)
文章中帶有由 that is ， i.e. ， or 等詞匯引導(dǎo)的名詞詞組，放在一個(gè)名詞后面，為同位語(yǔ);插入語(yǔ)是指副詞、不定式、分詞、從句等結(jié)構(gòu)故在句首，句中或句尾，不做句子成分，但修飾整個(gè)句子、表達(dá)作者感情的語(yǔ)法結(jié)構(gòu)。 這些用逗號(hào)隔開(kāi)的持殊結(jié)構(gòu)往往也是考查的重點(diǎn)，一般會(huì)出“細(xì)節(jié)性題目”。
八、因果句
句中若有如下結(jié)構(gòu)或詞匯的稱為因果句：
(1) 因果連詞： because ， since ， for ， as ， therefore ， so ， consequently 等
(2) 表示因果的動(dòng)詞： cause ， result in ， originate from 等。
新托福閱讀背景知識(shí)分享
托福閱讀的復(fù)習(xí)過(guò)程中，同學(xué)們可以多了解一些相關(guān)的背景知識(shí)，這樣也能夠輔助我們更好地了解托福閱讀文章。為經(jīng)典整理了一些比較?？嫉谋尘爸R(shí)，供大家參考復(fù)習(xí)。
黑人文學(xué)
戰(zhàn)后黑人文學(xué)更趨成熟。拉爾夫·埃利遜 (1914- )的小說(shuō)《看不見(jiàn)的人》和鮑德溫的散文，均已達(dá)到第一流
文學(xué)的水平。他們對(duì)種族不平等的抗議采取了更細(xì)膩、更深刻的表達(dá)方式。他們希望人們認(rèn)識(shí)到黑人是具有全部人性的人。這個(gè)時(shí)期里，女詩(shī)人關(guān)德琳·布魯克斯(1917-)的詩(shī)得到普遍好評(píng);女劇作家洛倫·亨斯伯利(1930-1965)的劇本《太陽(yáng)下的葡萄干》(1959)首創(chuàng)了黑人戲劇在百老匯上演的記錄。勒魯伊·瓊斯(1934- )是新一代的黑人詩(shī)人，他給自己另外起了一個(gè)穆斯林名字，表示他對(duì)美國(guó)文化的鄙棄。
新托福閱讀真題
復(fù)習(xí)備考托福閱讀，大家可以多進(jìn)行各種考試真題的練習(xí)。為大家整理了7月7日的托福閱讀考試的真題回憶，希望對(duì)大家接下來(lái)的復(fù)習(xí)備考有更好的幫助。詳細(xì)內(nèi)容如下：
托福閱讀考試日期：
2018年7月7日
新托福閱讀題目回憶：
Passage 2 lamarckism & epigeneticism
文章回憶：
有兩種對(duì)與生物演化的理論
一種是lamarck(拉馬克)提出的，一種是Darwin(達(dá)爾文)提出的
拉馬克認(rèn)為，生物重要的性狀會(huì)受到環(huán)境的影響，進(jìn)而遺傳給后代個(gè)體。
達(dá)爾文認(rèn)為，生物的重要形狀由遺傳繼承，但是由環(huán)境造成的改變則不會(huì)遺傳，這種學(xué)說(shuō)也叫做natural selection。
其中一個(gè)支持達(dá)爾文的例子如下：
某種英格蘭的moth，工業(yè)革命前，其翅膀多為淺色，是為了較好地與樹(shù)皮的顏色融為一體進(jìn)而達(dá)到躲避敵害的效果，但是工業(yè)革命后，由于樹(shù)皮受污染顏色變深，其中一些moth的顏色也變深了，人們發(fā)現(xiàn)在這樣的情況下，淺色moth照舊遺傳，深色的雖然不遺傳但是增大了個(gè)體存活的幾率。
但是拉馬克的支持者們無(wú)視研究的成果，依然有人將其學(xué)說(shuō)奉為圭臬，譬如蘇聯(lián)時(shí)期的生物學(xué)家李森科，認(rèn)為受環(huán)境影響的形狀是可以遺傳下去的，于是導(dǎo)致了蘇聯(lián)種植一系列作物的失敗，這些事件不啻為是拉馬克學(xué)說(shuō)在1930年代的發(fā)揚(yáng)光大。
另外一種支持達(dá)爾文學(xué)說(shuō)的理論就是DNA了，DNA是一種化學(xué)物質(zhì)，可以決定生物的性狀，但是DNA的epigenetic，只會(huì)發(fā)生在生物個(gè)體中，并不發(fā)生在受精卵當(dāng)中，這一地點(diǎn)是值得注意的。
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